BLOG POSTS

10 Forgotten Heroes of Tanganyika: #1 – Kleist Abdullah Sykes

The last decades of 1800 found Tanganyika in the midst of nationalist movements and wars against German invasion and occupation. One man behind the onset of these wars was Abushiri (Bashir bin Salim Al-Harthi from Zanzibar), who was based at Pangani, Tanga. Continue reading “10 Forgotten Heroes of Tanganyika: #1 – Kleist Abdullah Sykes”

BLOG POSTS

Abushiri: A true warrior who makes Zanzibar proud

By the time Sultan Said bin Sultan of Zanzibar and Oman died, it was already an open secret that the Europeans had already planned to take over all his territories in East Africa. They would do that step by step, but roughly and – of course – brutally. Continue reading “Abushiri: A true warrior who makes Zanzibar proud”

BLOG POSTS

The Big Brother Factor and the Death of GNU in Zanzibar

My last two articles on the government of national unity in Zanzibar have helped me – more than anyone else – to get more insights on the subject-matter. Readers have been both supportive and argumentative.

My first article was about the deadlock experienced now in Zanzibar and the call for some concessions from both sides of the political divide. On this, Tundu Lissu argued that there will never be any tangible political development in Zanzibar as long as the Dodoma’s invisible hand continues to dominate.

“For the government of national unity to truly exist in Zanzibar, the Union Question must first be resolved. That’s to say, as long as Zanzibar continues to exist in its neo-colonial status vis-a-vis Tanganyika, any talk of a government of national unity will remain a dangerous fantasy. The focus of political struggle must shift. Dar es Salaam is the locus of power in Zanzibari politics. That’s where the focus must shift,” wrote Lissu.

The second article was going back and poiting finger of blame to Dr. Ali Mohamed Shein alone for the failure of the GNU. There were readers who sent me some academic writings resulted from deep researches on the topic before, during and after the collapse of the GNU.

Others shared their comments which raised my curiosity even more, for example the one that blames CUF leaders for failing to pursue their time in the short-lived government to demand more changes that would insure the life of GNU after 2015. Political insurance? 

Thanks to all of them, however, that I can now elaborate some missing points in the explanation of how and why there is no GNU today in Zanzibar, and here will start with what I call as a Big Brother factor.

Public campaign for the referendum on July 2010 in Zanzibar.

The Big Brother Factor

In many articles I wrote before, I walked on the actual footprints that my learned brother Tundu has also been standing all along (visit zanzibardaima.net under the column Kalamu ya Ghassani).

Yes, Tanganyika rulers – who present themselves as the only rulers of the United Republic of Tanzania – do have a major role when it comes to the  failure of Zanzibari politics. They are actually the ones who pull the strings! 

But at the same time, the making of Maridhiano by the end of 2009 speaks of another side of the story. That of Zanzibaris’ role in their own political audacity. Many a time, Dodoma was heard complaining to be sidelined by their counterpart in Zanzibar during the negotiations that resulted into the GNU. 

Therefore, when sitting down and talking as themselves, Zanzibaris are capable of going against the will of their de facto master in Mainland. They can challenge the status quo and emerge winners. That is how President Amani Karume and Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad were able to confront all odds and initiated the Maridhiano process.

They decided to be Zanzibaris who believed in Zanzibar. 

Controversies and Conspiracies

What happened afterwards? This would be a question. Of course, there are controversies and conspiracies, but it is agreed that the Big Brother did not just sit down after having seen Zanzibaris are committed to turn the page of their history without his help. He played his cards too. How?

Campaigns like this where the need for a sovereign Zanzibar entertained were not in line with Dodoma’s policy towards the islands.

First, by pretending that he was for it. That he wanted to walk his talk of December 2005 in the Parliament when the newly elected Union president, Jakaya Kikwete, promised to do all he could to end the political deadlock in Zanzibar. He called it ‘mpasuko wa kisiasa‘ which he lamented to have affected the image of his country for far too long. I did not trust him and I wrote why there would be no way I could believe the president who uses racist rhetoric in healing national wounds.

Whereas Kikwete failed to do anything even after the long talks in Bagamoyo and  Butiama – which was not any suprise at all – he rose on his toes to gather all the credits from the international community after  Mr. Karume and Maalim Seif met. He even went further to appoint one of CUF’s members of Maridhiano Committee, Mr. Ismail Jussa, to parliament. 

But, secondly and contrary to the first, when the government of national unity was about to happen, the anti-Maridhiano elements in Zanzibar were activated by Dodoma and rounded up the whole formation – from the debate in the House of Representatives to the in-door meetings at Kisiwandui.

As a result, these elements were enabled to have the upper hand on the whole process with just some few exceptions, where President Karume himself appeared to show the muscles, for example, by firing those who were openly opposed to Maridhiano or water down their strong opposition publicly. He is to be credited for displaying the no-nonsense mode when it came to the focal point.

This is why some of us are faulting Mr. Karume for not agreeing to stay a little longer to nurture the newly baby-born – the GNU – and instead letting in a person who is so weak to defend the Zanzibari spirit – a politician who does not believe in Zanzibar.

Had Mr. Karume accepted the challenge and he, himself, stayed to guide the path towards a strong institutionalized GNU, the anti-Maridhiano elements would have found it difficult even with the invisible hands of Dodoma. 

The point here is: Yes, Dodoma strategists have their own formula when it comes to Zanzibar political set-up. They always want someone who will defend the status quo, i.e. the current structure of the Union which is – to be honest – a type of neocolonialism. The GNU, for them, was a tool against their domination. 

But, when confronted with the actual Zanzibari forces that defy all odds, Dodoma holds back and calculates its next move. It is, therefore, up to those in power in Zanzibar to decide whether they really believe in Zanzibar. 

For the time being, they don’t!

UCHAMBUZI

Ramadhani nyengine imepita, dhuluma dhidi ya Uamsho bado yaendelea

Kwa hakika sijui ni kitu gani kilichokuwa kimenifanya niamini kuwa Ramadhani ya mwaka huu isingelimalizika kabla ya viongozi na wafuasi wa Jumuiya ya Uamsho na Mihadhara ya Kiislamu ya Zanzibar (Uamsho) wanaoshikiliwa kwa zaidi miaka minne sasa katika magareza ya Tanzania Bara, hawajaachiliwa huru!

Ni jambo la kushangaza kuwa bila ya hata kuwa na ushahidi wowote mkononi mwangu, nilikuwa ‘najipiga dripu’ mwenyewe na kujing’ang’aniza akilini mwangu kuwa iwe iwavyo, sala ya Iddi ya Mfunguo Mosi ingeliswaliwa visiwani Zanzibar na mahabusu hao wakiwa wamejumuika na Waislamu wenzao. Wakiwa watu huru!

Bahati mbaya ni kuwa zangu zilikuwa ni ndoto za Alinacha – za kuota mchana kweupe kwa kujipa matumaini kwa jambo lisilokuwapo. Bahati nzuri ndani ya bahati hii mbaya ni kuwa niliishi na ndoto hiyo ndani yangu, sikuwahi kumuambia mtu hata mmoja – hata yule mwendani wangu.

Ningelimuambia yeyote, leo angelipata sababu ya kunisuta, maana kwa jinsi nilivyokuwa naiamini ndoto yangu hiyo, basi nina hakika ningelikuwa nimeitetea kwa kila aina ya utetezi, kama si viapo na viapizo vya kuweka hata nadhiri!

Ila ukweli ndio huu unaotukodolea macho mbele yetu hivi sasa. Viongozi na wafuasi wa Uamsho wangali “wananyelea ndooni Bara” – kwa kutumia msamiati wa Balozi Seif Ali Iddi, ambaye wala haoni haya kusema kuwa yeye na wenzake serikalini na chamani ndio waliowapeleka raia hao wa Zanzibar huko.

Hata Haji Omari Kheri, aliyepewa dhamana ya kusimamia vikosi vya serikali chini ya utawala wa Dk. Ali Mohamed Shein, naye hujifakharisha kwa hilo hilo la kuwapeleka masheikh hao kwenda kudhalilishwa kikatili katika ardhi ya Tanganyika, akitishia kuwa “na yeyote atakayejifanya kutuletea ya Uamsho, basi hayo munayosikia yanawapata wao huko Bara, naye tutampeleka yakampate hayo hayo!”

Viongozi wa Uamsho wakipelekwa mahabusu mwaka 2014.

Kwa kusema “hayo yaliyowapata” masheikh wakiwa gerezani Segerea, Haji Omari alikuwa anamaanisha udhalilishwaji wa kimwili, ambapo iliwahi kuripotiwa kuwa masheikh wetu hao wanasema waliingizwa vitu kwenye sehemu zao za haja kubwa. Kama tuhuma hizi ni za kweli, basi laana za Mungu naziwashukie watendaji wa hayo na walioyasababisha.

Dua hizi za kuwalaani watu hao, hata hivyo, zimeshaombwa nyingi visiwani Zanzibar. Nadhani ni dua iliyoombwa zaidi kuliko nyengine yoyote ndani ya kipindi hiki cha miaka minne inayokwenda zake.

La kujibiwa na kutojibiwa si juu ya waziombao. Aombwaye mwenyewe ana kawaida ya kujipangia muda, mahala na namna ya kujibu maombi ya wamuombao. Hata anapochelewa, si kwa kuwa anachelea, bali huwa ana mipango yake, ambayo kila siku ni bora zaidi.

Nirudi kwenye nukta kuu. Miaka minne inakatika na wazazi hawa wanaendelea kutenganishwa na watoto wao, watoto na wazazi wao, na waume na wake zao. Familia zimesambaratishwa. Vitoto vidogo vinaendelea kukuwa bila baba zao majumbani. Madarasa ya dini yamekosa walimu wao na misikiti maimamu wake.

Kwa sisi tulio nje, huenda hata hatuhisi kupita huku kwa siku. Tuko huru huku nje. Tunaishi na familia na marafiki zetu. Tunakwenda tukirudi, tunalala tukiamka. Kwa waliomo ndani ya makuta manne, siku hizi ni kama miaka 40. Tena kwa jinsi tunavyojulishwa na yale yanayowajiria huko waliko, hii ni miaka 40 ya mateso na idhilali. Ya dharau na bezo. Miaka ya mateso na dhuluma.

Hapa na pale huwa tunapaza sauti zetu, ama kwa kuandika mitandaoni au kuripoti kinachosemwa bungeni na wabunge walioamua kujitolea kuwatetea angalau kwa maneno yao (maana ndilo pekee wawezalo kulifanya).

Kinachosikitisha ni kuwa ni kama kwamba hili dola liitwalo Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania lilishaamuwa kuwa dhuluma dhidi ya raia wake hawa ni halali na inapaswa kuendelea. Ni kama kwamba walio madarakani wanastaaladhi kwa mateso haya yanayowapata Uamsho.

Binafsi huwa ninakaa na kujiuliza: Hivi kiongozi yeyote wa serikali na vyombo vya dola aliyehusika kwa namna moja au nyengine na dhuluma hii, huwa anajihisije kila arudipo nyumbani na kupokelewa na familia yake, katika wakati ambapo kuna mzazi kama yeye ambaye kamkomelea ndani kwa mwaka wa nne huu, akimkosesha kile ambacho yeye anakipata nyumbani pake?

Balozi Seif Ali Iddi

Tuje kwenye upande wa dini kidogo, jukwaa ambalo viongozi hao wa Uamsho walilitumia kutuma ujumbe wa kisiasa dhidi ya mfumo wa Muungano, na kwalo wakawa wamejichongea kwa wenyewe wenye Muungano. Kila mwaka kunakuwa na huu mwezi mmoja wa Ramadhani ambao sisi Waislamu hufunga kwa ajili ya kumcha Mola wetu. Ndani yake muna mengi ambayo yanaigusa sana familia ya Muislamu moja kwa moja. Chakula cha awali baada ya mfungo, yaani futari, chakula cha mwisho kabla ya mfungo, yaani daku, swala za tarawehe, visomo vya pamoja, na kisha sikukuu. Mote humo neno familia linaongoza.

Hapo ndipo huwa najiuliza mtu kama aliyekuwa amiri jeshi mkuu wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania wakati viongozi wa Uamsho wanakamatwa, Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, anajihisije? Anajifikiriaje? Maswali haya pia yawahusu viongozi wote wakuu wa Zanzibar wakati wa kukamatwa na kupelekwa Bara viongozi hawa, wakati huo nchi ikiwa na mfumo wa Serikali ya Umoja wa Kitaifa – Dk. Shein, Balozi Iddi na Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad.

Ukweli mmoja mchungu kwa dola ni kuwa kwa miaka yote hii minne ya kuwashikilia watu wa Uamsho wameshindwa kuurai umma huku nje kuamini kauli yao kuwa watuhumiwa hawa ni wakosaji.

Sehemu kubwa ya Wazanzibari na Watanzania wanafahamu kuwa jamaa wa Uamsho ni wahanga wa siasa za Muungano. Kwamba kosa lao kubwa ni vile kusimama kwao kuupinga mfumo wa Muungano uliopo na kutetea hoja ya Zanzibar kuwa taifa, dola na nchi huru, ya kuachiwa ikapumuwa – kwa kutumia msamiati wao wenyewe. Uthubutu huu kilikuwa kitu kisichoweza kuvumilika mbele ya watawala, wenyewe wenye Muungano wao.

Kwa hivyo, wakati dola inahangaika huku na kule kukusanya ushahidi wa kuungaunga ili kusimamisha madai yake ya ugaidi wa Uamsho, huku nje umma haumuangalii yeyote kati ya waliokamatwa kwa jicho hilo.

Kinyume chake ni kuwa wanawaangalia kuwa mashujaa wao waliowatetea na kuwasemea kile ambacho kimo kwenye nafsi zao, lakini wenyewe wakawa hawana njia au uthubutu wa kukisema.

Huu ni ukweli ambao dola na vyombo vyake inaujuwa fika. Pengine kuliko hata tuujuwavyo mimi na wewe, maana dola lina mikono, macho na masikio mengi zaidi. Tatizo ni kuwa kwa kutumia mikono, na macho na masikio hayo, dola hili limeamuwa kuchaguwa ukweli wa kuuamini na kuufanyia kazi, huku likiupuuzia mwengine wowote.

Na hapa pa kupuuza na kudharau, ndipo hasa iliposimama kadhia ya Uamsho. Puuzo kwamba wataendelea kushikiliwa na kudhulumiwa hadi huko ndani waliko watoke maiti mmoja baada ya mwengine, wala pasiwe chochote.

Dharau kwamba hata familia, ndugu, jamaa na wafuasi wao huku nje wakiinuka na kusema, hawawashi wala hawazimi. Nao ni vinyangarika vinavyoweza kuviringishwa kiganjani sekunde chache “yakawapata kama yawapatayo masheikh wao” – kama asemavyo Haji Omari Kheri, na wala pasiwe kitu.

Katikati ya puuzo na dharau hii, ndipo dhuluma dhidi ya Uamsho izidipo kunawiri na kushamiri. Na siku zapita, lakini kwao wao, hakuna mabadiliko yoyote yale.

Lakini hakika Mungu ni Hakimu wa mahakimu!

UCHAMBUZI

Musiloweza kulisema Tanganyika, mwalisema Zanzibar

Mimi sifichi msimamo wangu dhidi ya ‘siasa’ za huu tunaoaminishwa kuwa ni Muungano wa Tanzania kuelekea Zanzibar, ingawa naweka mpaka baina ya kusimama dhidi ya Muungano wenyewe na kusimama dhidi ya hizo niziitazo siasa za Muungano, maana kwangu hivyo ni vitu viwili tafauti.

Tangu mwaka 2001 nilipoanza kuandika mawazo yangu kwenye vyombo vya habari, mtazamo wangu ni kuwa siasa hiyo inaelezeka kwa sentesi moja tu: Muungano imara kwa Zanzibar dhaifu. Naamini hiyo ndiyo falsafa inayouongoza Muungano wenyewe miongoni mwa viongozi wakuu wa Muungano huo na wafuasi wao.

Kwao wao, ili kuwa na Muungano imara, basi ni lazima uwe na Zanzibar iliyo dhaifu. Ni ipi Zanzibar dhaifu na ni upi Muungano imara? Muungano imara ni ule ambao unahodhi na kumiliki kila kitu cha Zanzibar kwenye kapu lake na kuitawalisha Tanganyika kwenye udhibiti wa kapu hilo. Huo ndio Muungano hasa unaotakiwa na watawala na siasa yao inaakisi ukweli huo.

Na Zanzibar dhaifu ni ile Zanzibar isiyo na mamlaka ya kisiasa kujiamulia mambo yake yenyewe, isiyo na madaraka ya kifedha kusimamia uchumi wake yenyewe, na isiyokuwa na uthubutu wa kuiongoza jamii yake yenyewe. Hiyo ndiyo Zanzibar hasa inayotakiwa na siasa ya Muungano huu na siasa yao inaakisi pia ukweli huo.

Kwa hivyo, kuidhoofisha Zanzibar kwa kauli na vitendo ni sehemu muhimu sana ya kuufanya Muungano uwe na nguvu, uwe madhubuti na udumu milele.

Na Mohammed Ghassani

Kwao wao, ukiwa na Zanzibar yenye nguvu na iliyo imara kwenye uchumi wake, siasa yake na jamii yake, una Muungano ulio dhalili. Ni kama vile wamechora mstari mwekundu baina ya viwili hivi na kisha wanakuradulisha upande mmojawapo wa mstari huo. Ama usimame upande wa Muungano na hivyo uwe sehemu ya udhalilishaji wa siasa, uchumi na jamii ya Zanzibar, au uchaguwe kusimama upande wa Zanzibar na hivyo uwe sehemu ya kuubomoa na kuuvuruga Muungano huo!

Hivyo ndivyo akili zao zinavyofanya kazi na ndivyo inavyodhihirika, kama nilivyosema, kwenye kauli na amali zao. Mifano ni mingi. Nimeiandika mingi huko nyuma tangu wakati wa Rais Benjamin Mkapa, nikafanya hivyo wakati wa Rais Jakaya Kikwete na sasa nafanya hivyo wakati wa Rais John Magufuli.

Ni kama vile ambavyo Marekani isivyoweza kubadilisha msingi wa siasa zake za nje hata akija rais gani, ndivyo ilivyo kwa siasa ya Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar isivyoweza kubadilika hata aje mtawala gani. Wanaweza kubadili kila kitu kuhusu siasa za ndani ya Tanganyika (wenyewe hawataki hata kulisikia hili jina), lakini hawatathubutu kubadili siasa ya Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar.

Leo nazungumzia mfano wa karibuni kabisa ambao umedhihirishwa na Rais Magufuli, wakati akihutubia baada ya kumuapisha Bi Anna Elisha Mghwira wa Chama cha ACT-Wazalendo kuwa mkuu mpya wa mkoa wa Kilimanjaro.

Akionekana kuwajibu wale ambao walimuona kuwa ni mtu wa kigeugeu juu ya uamuzi wake wa kuteua wapinzani kuingia kwenye serikali yake baada ya kujiapiza kuwa kamwe asingelimuigiza Dk. Ali Mohamed Shein wa Zanzibar ambaye amefanya, Rais Magufuli alisema wanaomkosoa hivyo wanapaswa kwanza kujuwa mazingira ambayo alitoa kauli hiyo.

Mwaka mmoja na kidogo uliopita, akiwa kwenye mkutano wa hadhara kuwashukuru wapigakura kisiwani Unguja, Rais Mafuguli akiwa mbele ya Dk. Shein na viongozi wengine wa chama chake na vyama vichache vijiitavyo vya upinzani, alimshangaa Dk. Shein kwa kuwaingiza ‘wapinzani’ kwenye serikali yake.

“Rais uchaguliwe upate asilimia 92, bado unawachukuwa watu wa vyama vingine unawaingiza kwenye serikali yako. Mimi nilipata asilimia 58, hakuna wa chama chengine kule ndani yangu. Na wala hataingia.”

Sasa akihalalisha hatua yake ya kumteua ‘mpinzani’ kuingia kwenye serikali yake, Rais Magufuli akataka aeleweke kimuktadha anapotoa maneno yake.

“Ni lazima watu waelewe nilizungumza hilo nikiwa mahali gani. Nilizungumza nikiwa Zanzibar. Lakini pia msimamo wa kutoteuwa mpinzani kwenye nafasi zangu kumi za wabunge, sitafanya hivyo kweli. Nilishateuwa tisa, nimebakiza moja, na hiyo nafasi moja haitakuwa ya wapizani.”

Kama kuna kitu amekisema kweli kwenye hili basi ni hilo la muktadha wa kutoa kauli zake zinazopishana. Kwenye viwanja vya Kibandamaiti kisiwani Unguja katika ardhi ya Zanzibar, kauli ni kuwa umoja wa kitaifa kwenye serikali hauna maana, madhali huyo aambiwaye ni mshindi ana uhalali wa kuzoa na kukokozoa vyote. Kwenye jengo la Ikulu, katika ardhi ya Tanganyika, kauli ni kuwa nchi inapaswa kujengwa na wananchi wote bila kujali vyama vyao, maana nchi kwanza.

Kwa nini kauli mbilimbili? Jibu limo kwenye ufafanuzi wa awali wa namna siasa ya Muungano inavyofanya kazi yake kuelekea Zanzibar. Waswahili husema kuwa: “Umoja ni nguvu na utengano ni udhaifu”, na kwa mantiki yake ni kuwa kama Zanzibar itakuwa na umoja huo, basi itakuwa na nguvu, na ikiwa na nguvu basi Muungano utakuwa dhaifu.

Kwa hivyo, kwa kiongozi wa juu wa Jamhuri ya Muungano kushadidia utengano wa Wazanzibari kwenye muktadha huu wa uendeshaji nchi, anakusudia hasa kutekeleza kwa vitendo siasa hiyo ya Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar – Zanzibar dhaifu kwa Muungano imara!

Kwa kusema kuwa ahukumiwe kauli zake hizi mbili kwa msingi wa mwahala alimozizungumza, Rais Magufuli anatupa ujumbe wa wazi, ambao kwetu wengine unafahamika kitambo, kwamba linapokuja suala la mgogoro wa kisiasa wa Zanzibar, basi viongozi wakuu wa Jamhuri ya Muungano si sehemu ya suluhisho, bali sehemu ya tatizo.

Nimesema kuwa huu ni mfano mmoja tu kati ya mingi iliyokwishatokezea huko nyuma, na ambayo mingine kati yao nilipata fursa ya kuielezea. Katika miaka ya mwisho mwisho ya utawala wake, Rais Mkapa alialikwa kwenye shughuli mbili muhimu visiwani Zanzibar – moja ni kuadhimisha Mapinduzi na nyengine Muungano, na mote muwili aliakisi siasa hiyo hiyo ya Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar.

Kwenye sherehe za Mapinduzi, aliwataka waliohudhuria katika viwanja vya Amani, waitikie kwa nguvu “Mapinduzi Daima”, hadi vitukuu na vijukuu vya Waarabu na masultani wa Kiarabu wasikie kuwa kweli Waafrika weusi wa Zanzibar wamechukuwa hatamu za nchi yao. Kwenye jukwaa siku hiyo alikuwepo Rais Amani Karume, mke wake Shadia na watoto wao, ambao kwa hakika ni vijukuu na vitukuu hivyo vya hao Waarabu. Sadfa ni kuwa takribani miaka 10 baadaye, vijana wa Chama chake cha Mapinduzi (CCM), walipita na mabango yanayowataka “Machotara na Mahizbu” kutafuta nchi ya kwenda kutawala, maana Zanzibar si pao.

Wakati akifungua bunge la kwanza kwenye utawala wake mwaka 2005, Rais Kikwete naye akasema kwamba ni ajabu kwamba Wapemba ambao wanafaidika na fursa kadhaa za Muungano huo, wanakuwa wa kwanza kuonesha kujitenga, akirejea matokeo ya chaguzi, ambazo kila mara watu wa kisiwa cha Pemba hupiga kura kuikataa CCM kwa ujumla wake.

Sadfa ikaja ikawa kwamba wakati anaondoka madarakani mwaka 2015, serikali ya umoja wa kitaifa ambayo iliundwa kwa shinikizo la Wazanzibari wenyewe ndani ya kipindi cha mwisho cha muhula wake wa urais, inakufa. Kilichoiuwa ni kuharibiwa kwa uchaguzi wa tarehe 25 Oktoba 2015 na chama chake, CCM, kupitia vyombo vya dola vilivyokuwa chini yake kama amiri jeshi mkuu.

Kwa hivyo, alichokisema Rais Magufuli kinaakisi kabisa siasa za Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar. Mtazamo wa kuiona Zanzibar iliyozidi kudhoofika, iliyozidi kugawika, na hivyo iliyo rahisi kutawalika na kudhibitika.

Binafsi simuoni kuwa Rais Magufuli, akiwa kama msimamizi mkuu wa siasa hiyo, ana kosa lolote. Kwa hakika hasa, huyu ni kiongozi ‘anayetekeleza’ wajibu wake katika hili, kwa kiwango kile kile ambacho rais wa Marekani anapotekeleza wajibu wake kwenye siasa za nje za taifa lake akiuma na kupuliza kwenye mizozo ya mataifa ya Ghuba na Mashariki ya Kati.

Kosa kubwa litakuwapo pale ambapo yeye na wenzake watataka kutulazimisha sisi kuamini kinyume na hiki wanachokihubiri. Kwa mfano, wakitulazimisha sote tuwaone kuwa wao ni watetezi wa amani, maendeleo na utangamano wa Zanzibar, na kutuadhibu pale tunapowaeleza kuwa hivyo sivyo kabisa walivyo, hapo watakuwa wanatuonea vikubwa!

Kosa jengine kubwa ni kwa hao wanaoelekezewa siasa hii ya Muungano, yaani Wazanzibari wenyewe. Ikiwa zaidi ya nusu karne tangu kubuniwa na kutekelezwa kwa siasa hii, bado hawajang’amua kuwa ipo na inatumika dhidi yao, taifa lao na utambulisho wao, basi hiyo ni dhambi kubwa. Ikiwa wameng’amuwa na wanaipendelea iendelee, basi huo ni uhaini mkubwa dhidi ya taifa lao.

Ama endapo wameng’amuwa na wanaipinga isiwepo, japo kama hadi sasa hawajafanikiwa, hayo ni mapambano ya fakhari. Waendelee nayo hadi pale siasa ya Muungano huu kuelekea nchi yao itakapobadilika, na watawala wafahamu kwamba unaweza kuwa na Zanzibar imara na yenye nguvu, kwa upande mmoja, na wakati huo huo Muungano madhubuti wenyevheshima na adabu kwa pande zote.

TANBIHI: Makala hii ilichapishwa kwa mara ya kwanza kwenye gazeti la Mwelekeo la tarehe 13 Juni 2017