ZANZIBAR DAIMA PUBLISHING

The Men Who Brought Maridhiano

Maridhiano
The people who brought the spirit of reconciliation and tolerance to Zanzibar in 2009: Amani Karume (left) and Seif Sharif Hamad (right).
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The Big Brother Factor and the Death of GNU in Zanzibar

My last two articles on the government of national unity in Zanzibar have helped me – more than anyone else – to get more insights on the subject-matter. Readers have been both supportive and argumentative.

My first article was about the deadlock experienced now in Zanzibar and the call for some concessions from both sides of the political divide. On this, Tundu Lissu argued that there will never be any tangible political development in Zanzibar as long as the Dodoma’s invisible hand continues to dominate.

“For the government of national unity to truly exist in Zanzibar, the Union Question must first be resolved. That’s to say, as long as Zanzibar continues to exist in its neo-colonial status vis-a-vis Tanganyika, any talk of a government of national unity will remain a dangerous fantasy. The focus of political struggle must shift. Dar es Salaam is the locus of power in Zanzibari politics. That’s where the focus must shift,” wrote Lissu.

The second article was going back and poiting finger of blame to Dr. Ali Mohamed Shein alone for the failure of the GNU. There were readers who sent me some academic writings resulted from deep researches on the topic before, during and after the collapse of the GNU.

Others shared their comments which raised my curiosity even more, for example the one that blames CUF leaders for failing to pursue their time in the short-lived government to demand more changes that would insure the life of GNU after 2015. Political insurance? 

Thanks to all of them, however, that I can now elaborate some missing points in the explanation of how and why there is no GNU today in Zanzibar, and here will start with what I call as a Big Brother factor.

Public campaign for the referendum on July 2010 in Zanzibar.

The Big Brother Factor

In many articles I wrote before, I walked on the actual footprints that my learned brother Tundu has also been standing all along (visit zanzibardaima.net under the column Kalamu ya Ghassani).

Yes, Tanganyika rulers – who present themselves as the only rulers of the United Republic of Tanzania – do have a major role when it comes to the  failure of Zanzibari politics. They are actually the ones who pull the strings! 

But at the same time, the making of Maridhiano by the end of 2009 speaks of another side of the story. That of Zanzibaris’ role in their own political audacity. Many a time, Dodoma was heard complaining to be sidelined by their counterpart in Zanzibar during the negotiations that resulted into the GNU. 

Therefore, when sitting down and talking as themselves, Zanzibaris are capable of going against the will of their de facto master in Mainland. They can challenge the status quo and emerge winners. That is how President Amani Karume and Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad were able to confront all odds and initiated the Maridhiano process.

They decided to be Zanzibaris who believed in Zanzibar. 

Controversies and Conspiracies

What happened afterwards? This would be a question. Of course, there are controversies and conspiracies, but it is agreed that the Big Brother did not just sit down after having seen Zanzibaris are committed to turn the page of their history without his help. He played his cards too. How?

Campaigns like this where the need for a sovereign Zanzibar entertained were not in line with Dodoma’s policy towards the islands.

First, by pretending that he was for it. That he wanted to walk his talk of December 2005 in the Parliament when the newly elected Union president, Jakaya Kikwete, promised to do all he could to end the political deadlock in Zanzibar. He called it ‘mpasuko wa kisiasa‘ which he lamented to have affected the image of his country for far too long. I did not trust him and I wrote why there would be no way I could believe the president who uses racist rhetoric in healing national wounds.

Whereas Kikwete failed to do anything even after the long talks in Bagamoyo and  Butiama – which was not any suprise at all – he rose on his toes to gather all the credits from the international community after  Mr. Karume and Maalim Seif met. He even went further to appoint one of CUF’s members of Maridhiano Committee, Mr. Ismail Jussa, to parliament. 

But, secondly and contrary to the first, when the government of national unity was about to happen, the anti-Maridhiano elements in Zanzibar were activated by Dodoma and rounded up the whole formation – from the debate in the House of Representatives to the in-door meetings at Kisiwandui.

As a result, these elements were enabled to have the upper hand on the whole process with just some few exceptions, where President Karume himself appeared to show the muscles, for example, by firing those who were openly opposed to Maridhiano or water down their strong opposition publicly. He is to be credited for displaying the no-nonsense mode when it came to the focal point.

This is why some of us are faulting Mr. Karume for not agreeing to stay a little longer to nurture the newly baby-born – the GNU – and instead letting in a person who is so weak to defend the Zanzibari spirit – a politician who does not believe in Zanzibar.

Had Mr. Karume accepted the challenge and he, himself, stayed to guide the path towards a strong institutionalized GNU, the anti-Maridhiano elements would have found it difficult even with the invisible hands of Dodoma. 

The point here is: Yes, Dodoma strategists have their own formula when it comes to Zanzibar political set-up. They always want someone who will defend the status quo, i.e. the current structure of the Union which is – to be honest – a type of neocolonialism. The GNU, for them, was a tool against their domination. 

But, when confronted with the actual Zanzibari forces that defy all odds, Dodoma holds back and calculates its next move. It is, therefore, up to those in power in Zanzibar to decide whether they really believe in Zanzibar. 

For the time being, they don’t!

UCHAMBUZI

Akina Mnyaa, Khalifa na wenzao hawatuwakilishi Wapemba

Hii si mara ya kwanza kwa Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) kujikuta kwenye mgogoro unaokimomonyoa ndani kwa ndani na kisha kikainuka imara kusonga mbele, lakini lazima tuseme wazi kuwa mgogoro wa safari hii si kama mingine ya nyuma na kuna wasiwasi kuwa kinaweza kushindwa kuvuuka salama usalimini.

Katika mengi yaliyoibuka ndani ya mgogoro huu mkubwa, leo nataka nizungumzie kitu kimoja tu – nacho ni hawa waliojiunga na timu ya Profesa Ibrahim Lipumba kutokea visiwani Zanzibar, ambapo ukiziangalia sura zote zilizokwishajitokeza waziwazi hadi hivi sasa, unachoweza kukiona ni kisiwa cha Pemba.

Nassor Seif Amour, Mussa Haji Kombo, Mohamed Habib Mnyaa, Haroub Mohamed Shamis, Khalifa Suleiman Khalifa, Rukiya Kassim Ahmed na Thiney Juma Mohamed, wote wanatoka kisiwani Pemba, ambako kunasalia kuwa ngome madhubuti ya CUF na ambako daima kumekuwa kukikiadhibu Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM).

Na Mohammed Ghassani

Ukimtoa mwanajeshi Thiney Juma Mohamed, waliobakia wote wamewahi kuwa wabunge na au wawakilishi katika nyakati tafauti, huku wengine kama Khalifa wakikaa bungeni tangu uchaguzi wa kwanza wa vyama vingi mwaka 1995. Kwa hivyo, pamoja na kujitolea kwao kukubwa kukijenga chama, kwa hakika wao ndio hasa waliojengwa na CUF.

Pemba, kisiwa ambacho mimi pia ninatokea, kinatambulika kihistoria kwa upinzani wake dhidi ya watawala kisiowakubali, hata wawe na nguvu kiasi gani. Wenyewe Wapemba tuna fakhari ya kuwa kizazi cha wahenga waliopambana na kuushinda utawala katili wa Mreno baada ya karne nzima, tunajivunia kuupinga utawala wa Busaid, na hata uliofuata baadaye wa Mwingereza na kisha wa CCM.

Kwa sababu zinazofanana, kisiwa hiki kimekuwa sehemu ya mapambano ya Zanzibar dhidi ya wanachoamini Wazanzibari kuwa ni utawala wa Tanganyika kwa hadhi ya nchi yao.

Ukweli kwamba CUF iliungwa mkono na kisiwa kizima cha Pemba mara tu ilipoanzishwa, haukutokana pekee na sababu ya kuwa mmoja wa waanzilishi wake, Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad, ni mzaliwa wa kisiwa hicho, bali pia, na zaidi, ni kwa sababu kisiwa chenyewe kilikuwa kinasaka muda mrefu jukwaa la kuonesha upinzani wake dhidi ya mtawala wasiyemkubali.

Kwa nini sasa wanasiasa hawa kutoka Pemba wamekuwa sehemu ya genge linalosimama dhidi ya chama ambacho kimekuwa daima alama ya mapambano ya Zanzibar dhidi ya mtawala aliyeshiriki, kupanga na kuwahujumu wananchi wa Zanzibar kwa miaka-nenda, miaka-rudi?

Kwa nini akina Mnyaa na Khalifa, ambao walikaa muda mrefu bungeni kwa kura za Wapemba wenzao, wakafaidika kiuchumi wao na familia zao, wamegeuka leo dhidi ya maslahi mapana ya watu waliokanyaga mabega yao kujiinuwa?

Kwa nini akina Nassor Seif na Mussa Haji wawe sehemu ya mchakato wa kuipeleka CUF njia ya NCCR-Mageuzi, chama kilichowahi kuwa na nguvu sana mwanzoni mwa mfumo wa vyama vingi na kutikisa nchi kwenye uchaguzi wa 1995, lakini kikapandikiziwa migogoro ya kiuongozi na hatimaye kusambaratishwa, hadi sasa kimesalia na mbunge mmoja tu bungeni?

Kwa nini akina Thiney na Bi Rukiya wawe sehemu ya mkakati wa kuimaliza CUF, ambayo hadi mwaka 2015 ilikuwa sehemu ya Serikali ya Umoja wa Kitaifa visiwani Zanzibar na iliyowahi kuwa ya pili kwa ukubwa bungeni na kusaidia kuikaribisha Zanzibar kwenye ndoto yake ya kuwa na mamlaka kamili ndani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano?

Majibu ya maswali haya wanaweza kuwa nayo zaidi wenyewe, na pengine wataandika kujibu kwa wakati wao, lakini hawawezi kuondosha ukweli uliopo; kwamba, kwanza, wanachokifanya kiko dhidi ya Zanzibar yao na hivyo kisiwa chao cha Pemba walikozaliwa na kukulia na, pili, kwamba wao ni wasaliti dhidi ya Pemba na Wapemba.

Kwa yote mawili, hawa si wawakilishi wa Wapemba, mimi nikiwa mmoja wao. Nimezaliwa, kukulia na kufundwa ndani ya kisiwa hicho. Mbali ya kuutangatanga ulimwengu, bado nabakia sehemu ya Wapemba na Wazanzibari wanaojuwa nini tunakisimamia kwenye taswira ndogo ya Zanzibar na Tanzania, na kisha taswira kubwa ya Afrika Mashariki, Afrika na hata dunia kwa ujumla.

Ukihesabu gharama ambazo hata wao wenyewe zimeshawapata kwenye mapambano haya, ikiwemo kufungwa, kupigwa na hata kuuliwa kwa ndugu na jamaa zao wa karibu, akina Mnyaa na Khalifa hawakupaswa kabisa kuwa mahala hapa tupaitapo kwa Kipemba ‘asfala-safilina’ – yaani chini kuliko walio chini, panapohusika dhamira.

Lakini pengine swali kubwa kuliko yote ni kwa nini CUF yenyewe – kama chama – imefikishwa mahala hapa? Wengine wanasema ni kutokana na kosa la uongozi wenyewe wa CUF kuchelewa kuchukuwa hatua muafaka kutokana na masharti ya katiba yao, pale pale na wakati ule ule Lipumba alipoamua kuwaacha mkono wakati wakimuhitaji sana karibu na uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka 2015.

Kwao wao, laiti CUF ingelifuata kikamilifu katiba yake tangu siku Lipumba anajiuzulu mwenyewe na kwenda zake Rwanda, basi kiongozi huyo asingelikuwa tena na nafasi ya kurejea kuivuruga CUF kwa namna ambayo anafanya sasa kwa mafanikio makubwa kupitia mkono wa dola na ushirikiano aupatao kutoka kwa hawa waliaomua kujiunga na usaliti kutokea kisiwani Pemba.

Lakini kwa wanaoujuwa ukweli wa mambo, majibu si mepesi kiasi hicho. Hao wanajuwa kuwa CUF haidhuriwi kabisa na katiba yake, bali inadhuriwa na mambo matatu makubwa kwenye hili: kwanza ni msimamo wake dhidi ya uhuni uliotendeka Zanzibar tarehe 28 Oktoba 2015, siku uliyofutwa uchaguzi mkuu wa Oktoba 25.

CCM na vyombo vyake vya dola kwenye serikali zote havikuwahi kuisamehe CUF kwa jinsi chama hicho kilivyowaweka uchi katika kadhia hii nzima. Kwa CCM, chama cha CUF kinapaswa kuondoka kwenye uso wa dunia haraka iwezekanavyo kabla ya uchaguzi mwengine wowote ujao, maana aibu ya Oktoba 2015 visiwani Zanzibar hawakuweza kuifidia hadi leo.

Pili, CUF inadhuriwa na msimamo wake wa muda mrefu kuelekea mfumo wa Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar, kwani hiki ni chama pekee cha kisiasa ambacho kimejijenga vizuri mno katika “Siasa za Muungano” katika kiwango ambacho CCM inapoteza kila uchao kutokana na uungwaji mkono unaoongezeka kwa hoja ya CUF juu ya Muungano huo.

Hili halijaanza leo, na daima vyombo vya dola vimekuwa vikisaka njia ya kuimaliza CUF ili kunyamazisha kabisa hoja dhidi ya Muungano wenyewe. Hadi kufikia mgogoro huu mkubwa kabisa wa Lipumba, CUF ilishapandikiziwa mingine mingi huko nyuma kwa mkono wa vyombo vya dola kutokana na msimamo wake huo.

Na, tatu, CUF inadhuriwa na hatua yake ya kujiunga na Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA), ambao uliitikisa sana CCM kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa 2015, kiasi cha kwamba kwa mara ya kwanza chama hicho tawala kilikosa asilimia 60 ya kura za jumla. Kwenye hili, CUF hailengwi peke yake, bali ni pamoja na mshirika wake mkuu, CHADEMA, ambacho kimekumbwa na ukandamizaji mkubwa dhidi ya viongozi wake tangu kumalizika uchaguzi huo.

Kwa hivyo, Lipumba na wenzake hawapo kwenye nafasi ya kushinda ‘vita’ vinanavyoendelea sasa eti kwa kuwa uongozi wa CUF ulidharau kuitumia katiba yao kwa wakati tu, lakini zaidi ni kwa kuwa CCM na vyombo vya dola vinataka kuona kuwa CUF inasambaratika kabla ya uchaguzi mkuu wa 2020 ili kuyauwa kabisa madai ya chama hicho kwa uchaguzi wa 2015 Zanzibar, kuizika moja kwa moja ajenda ya Zanzibar kuhusu Muungano na ikibidi kuiuwa kabisa UKAWA.

Uongozi wa CUF unalijuwa hili na unasema mara kadhaa kuwa haupambani na Lipumba na genge lake wala haupingani na katiba ya chama chao, bali unapambana na kupingana na dola nzima iliyosimama nyuma ya genge hilo.

Ni jambo la kushangaza sana kwamba, kwa upande wa Zanzibar, genge hilo linaundwa na wanasiasa kutoka kisiwani Pemba pekee, anakotokea Katibu Mkuu wa CUF, Maalim Seif, tena baadhi yao, muna ambao kupanda kwao ngazi kuliwezeshwa kwa hishima tu ya wanachama kwa Maalim Seif tu, na si vyenginevyo.

Siku wananchi walipoamua kuchukuwa hatua dhidi ya wanasiasa hawa kwa njia zao wenyewe kwenye kura za mchujo huko mashinani na wakaangushwa, akina Mnyaa, Khalifa, Mussa Haji, Rukia na wenzao, ndipo walipojitokeza kwa sura zao halisi. Maslahi.

Ni bahati mbaya kwamba sasa wanatumia sura zao hizo kuiuwa taasisi pekee ambayo ilitegemewa sio tu na wapigakura wa kisiwa chao, bali pia na Wazanzibari na Watanzania wengine kwa ujumla, kama jukwaa la kuisemea na kuitetea Zanzibar kitaifa na kimataifa.

Hawa ndio wale waitwao wa Kipemba: “Nalitote!” Madhali wao wamekosa ulwa ndani ya CUF, basi CUF nayo naife.

UCHAMBUZI

Kuimaliza CUF ni kuimaliza Zanzibar

Kikiwa kama chama kikubwa cha kitaifa, Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) kinafanana na vyama vingine vingi vya kisiasa ndani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, lakini kina jambo moja kubwa ambalo kimejipambanuwa kutoka vyama vyenziwe. Nalo ni falsafa yake juu ya nafasi ya Zanzibar kwenye Muungano huo.

Hiki ni chama pekee kilichojikita kwenye “Siasa za Muungano” kama mtaji wake mkuu wa kisiasa upande wa Zanzibar. Hakuna chama chengine chochote ambacho kina dira ya kuifanya Zanzibar kuwa mshirika mwenye nguvu za kweli ndani ya Muungano huu kama ilivyo CUF.

Na hapa ndipo tatizo lenyewe lilipo. Siasa za Muungano. Zile ambazo zinasema kuwa “ili uwe na Muungano imara basi lazima uwe na Zanzibar dhaifu” na ambazo zinaiona Zanzibar imara kama jambo hatari kwa Muungano huo.

Kwa waumini wa siasa hizo za Muungano, chochote kinachoipa Zanzibar taswira ya uimara ni kitu cha kuchukiza na kisicho na uhalali wa kuishi. Kinapaswa kuangamizwa mara moja, tena kwa kadiri ambavyo inawezekana.

Hiki kinachoendelea sasa hivi dhidi ya CUF kina mashiko yake kwenye ukweli huu wa utekelezaji wa siasa za Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar.

Kwa muda wote, tangu kuanzishwa kwake mwaka 1992, CUF imekuwa mwiba mbaya kooni mwa waumini wa siasa hizo za Muungano walio ndani na nje ya visiwa vya Zanzibar.

Na Mohammed Ghassani

Waumini hao hasa ni watiifu kwa makao makuu ya siasa zenyewe, Chimwaga, na ambao kwa hakika hasa sio kwamba wanaupenda Muungano kama Muungano, bali wanaupenda Muungano ule ambao kwawo, nchi moja iko juu ya nyengine kisiasa, kiuchumi na kijamii.

Waumini wa siasa hizo wametekeleza hujuma kubwa kubwa dhidi ya Zanzibar kabla ya Muungano wa 1964 na tangu siku za awali kabisa za Muungano wenyewe, mara tu baada ya Mzee Abeid Karume kung’amuwa mtego alionasishwa na mwasisi mwenzake wa Muungano huu.

Tangu awamu hiyo ya kwanza, takribani hakuna kipindi kilichopita salama bila ya kukuta alama, taasisi au watu wanaowakilisha taswira ya nguvu za Zanzibar ndani ya Muungano wakinyakuliwa, kudunishwa, kudhalilishwa na hata kuangamizwa kabisa kabisa.

Wazalendo wa Kizanzibari waliokuwa wasomi na wenye fikra nzito nzito za kimageuzi kutoka pande zote za ushindani wa kisiasa visiwani Zanzibar, akina Ali Muhsin Barwani, Amani Thani, Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, Abdallah Kassim Hanga, Kanali Ali Mahfoudh, Salim Ahmed Salim, na wengine kadhaa walijikuta wakimezwa ndani ya tumbo la Tanganyika na kisha ama kuselelea huko ama kuangamia kupitia mkono wa huko.

Katika kitabu chake cha Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons of Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union, Profesa Issa G. Shivji anazungumzia mzozo mkubwa uliokuwepo kati ya Mzee Karume na Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, hata kabla ya wino wa sahihi kwenye Makubaliano ya Muungano haujakauka.

Katika siku za mwisho mwisho za uhai wake, Mzee Karume alikuwa hazungumzi moja kwa moja na Mwalimu Nyerere na hata panapokuwa na jambo la wawili hao kuzungumzwa, lilipaswa kupitishwa kwa mawaziri wao waandamizi.

Mwisho, Aprili 1972, akiwa kama alama ya nguvu ya Zanzibar kwenye Muungano, maisha ya Mzee Karume yakakatishwa, huku maswali kuhusu wahusika wa mauaji hayo hadi leo yakibakia bila majibu, lakini tuhuma kwamba msimamo wake kuhusu Muungano ulichangia kifo hicho, zipo miongoni mwa Wazanzibari.

Miaka mitano baada ya kuuawa kwa Mzee Karume, taasisi imara kabisa iliyowasilisha na kuwakilisha nguvu za Zanzibar, chama cha Afro-Shiraz (ASP), nacho kikauliwa kwa maslahi ya kuundwa Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) kilichotokana na chenye nguvu zake upande wa Tanganyika.

Baada ya hujuma hii ya kuimaliza ASP kufanikiwa, hapakuwa tena na mpaka wa kukichukuwa kila kilichomo Zanzibar, iwe taasisi, mtu au alama inayoashiria nguvu za Zanzibar ndani ya Muungano. Kuanzia maamuzi hadi utekelezaji.

Ndicho kilichomkumba Marehemu Mzee Aboud Jumbe Mwinyi kwa kuvuliwa nafasi zake zote za uongozi wa kichama na kiserikali na hatimaye naye maisha yake yakamalizikia akiwa kapotezwa kabisa kwenye ramani ya siasa za nchi.

Ndicho kilichokuja baadaye kuwakumba vijana wa wakati huo ambao walikuwa alama ya nguvu ya Zanzibar ndani ya Muungano, akina Seif Sharif Hamad, Hamad Rashid Mohamed, Soud Yussuf Mgeni, Juma Ngwali, Maulid Makame, Shaaban Khamis Mloo, Juma Duni Haji na wenzao, ambao sio tu kuwa walivuliwa nyadhifa zao bali pia waliwekwa jela.

Mwanzoni kabisa, mara tu baada ya Katibu Mkuu wa sasa wa CUF, Maalim Seif, kutoka kizuizini alikokuwa amewekwa baina ya Mei 1989 na Novemba 1991, alikutana na Mwalimu Nyerere katika kile kilichoitwa “mazungumzo ya siri ya Msasani.”

Ingawa hakuna hata mmoja aliyekisema hasa walichokizungumza wawili hao, lakini inasemekana kuwa Mwalimu Nyerere alimuambia Maalim Seif kuwa afanye afanyavyo kwenye siasa zake, lakini kamwe asije akathubutu kuugusa Muungano, akimtishia kuwa akiuchezea Muungano “asingelibaki salama!”

Lakini Maalim Seif na CUF yake, inaonekana, hawakutaka kumkubalia Mwalimu Nyerere. Waliendelea kuugusa Muungano, nao wakaendelea kukabiliana na adhabu za kuugusa huko.

Miongoni mwa adhabu hizo ni mauaji ya Januari 2001, ambapo kwa mujibu wa ripoti ya shirika la haki za binaadamu la Human Rights Watch iliyopewa jina la “Risasi Zilinyesha Kama Mvua”, mashuhuda wanasema wauaji, watesaji na wabakaji wao walikuwa wakirejelea kauli za kisiasa zinazohusiana na upinzani wa wana-CUF dhidi ya Muungano.

Kwa hivyo, hata maandamano yale kwa watawala ilikuwa ni alama ya Wazanzibari kuinuka dhidi ya Muungano na yalipaswa kuangamizwa kwa namna yoyote.

Hapo katikati, kuanzia mwaka 2009, Zanzibar ilianza tena kurudi kwenye siasa za umma dhidi ya mfumo uliopo wa Muungano, ambazo zilichangiwa pakubwa na Maridhiano yaliyoasisiwa na Rais Amani Karume na Maalim Seif.

Kwa Maridhiano hayo, Kura ya Maoni ya Julai 31 ikaamuwa kuundwa kwa serikali ya umoja wa kitaifa, pamoja na Mabadiliko ya Katiba yaliyoitangaza rasmi Zanzibar kuwa ni nchi.

Yote haya yalikuwa ni alama za ukaidi dhidi ya siasa za Muungano. Ishara za kuipa nguvu Zanzibar. Asasi huru za kijamii, kama vile Jukwaa la Katiba la Zanzibar na Jumuiya ya Uamsho na Mihadhara ya Kiislamu (Uamsho), zikapata uhuru wa kuelezea hayo kinagaubaga, lakini kila mtu anafahamu yaliyowakumba viongozi wake ambao wamebambikiziwa kesi za ugaidi kwa mwaka wa nne sasa.

Ukweli kwamba uchaguzi wa Oktoba 2015 ulichafuliwa, na ambao CUF unadai kushinda na jumuiya huru za ndani na nje ya nchi zinasema ulikuwa huru na wa haki zaidi kuwahi kutokea visiwani Zanzibar, una mahusiano ya moja kwa moja na siasa za Muungano kuelekea Zanzibar na msimamo wa CUF kuelekea Muungano huo.

Kwa hivyo, hivi leo kwamba CUF imeingizwa kwenye mzozo mkubwa kabisa wa kiuongozi, ambapo kundi linalosaidiwa kwa hali na mali na vyombo vya dola linaendesha hujuma za waziwazi zinazotishia uhai wa chama hicho, ni kwa kuwa chama hicho kimesimama kama alama ya Zanzibar imara ndani ya Muungano.

Alama hii ikiachiwa nayo kwenda, kama ambavyo alama nyengine huko nyuma zimewachiwa kwenda, itaongezea idadi kwenye orodha ya maangamizi kwa Zanzibar.

Kuiangamiza Zanzibar kama nchi na kama mshirika muhimu wa Muungano ni hatua muhimu kuelekea ile sera ya “serikali moja, nchi moja, chama kimoja.”

TANBIHI: Makala hii ilichapishwa kwa mara ya kwanza na gazeti la MwanaHalisi la tarehe 31 Julai 2017